Last week, two disasters hit Kenya. On Wednesday, one of Nairobi’s busiest supermarkets, Nakumatt, went up in flames, consuming 25 people and dozens others are still missing. Just when Kenyans were still absorbing that shock, another tragedy struck.
On Saturday, a fuel tanker overturned in the town of Molo. Like it happens in all poverty-stricken neighbourhoods, masses of people swarmed the accident scene to siphon fuel. Suddenly, the scene that was teeming with hundreds of people was in flames. By yesterday, the death toll was 142.
The accounts of how the fire started remain contradictory but there are strong suggestions that one man, barred by the police from siphoning the fuel, dropped a burning cigarette and caused the inferno.
In Uganda, incidents like the Molo one are not new.
As these tragedies have shown, there is need by the authorities to do a mass sensitization on the dangers of siphoning fuel at accident scenes. In Uganda, some of the dark spots are known and it may be best to educate people around these areas.
But importantly, one may want to ask; what would compel someone to risk their lives to siphon fuel even when they know their lives are endangered? Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga after visiting the death scene at Molo said, “Poverty is pushing our people into doing desperate things just to get through one more day.”
Unless there is economic empowerment, we shall continue seeing cases of people staking their lives for such petty gains like petrol spilt from a tanker.
Our Disaster Preparedness Ministry and the Police may also want to ask if they have a quick-response team to handle such cases. How fast can they move to cordon off an accident scene?
In the Nakumatt case, authorities are being blamed for having blocked the fire exits, which left most people trapped in the building. In Uganda, and Kampala especially, the city council has been blamed for approving building plans that lack safety provisions. Whereas Nakumatt might have had a fire exit, many buildings in this town do not have such provisions. Even simple gadgets like fire extinguishers are lacking. In the case that a fire breaks out, these buildings turn into death traps.
My heart reaches out to all those that lost their dear ones in the tragic Kenyan incidents, but that should serve as a lesson to authorities on disaster preparedness and management.
Monday, February 02, 2009
Saturday, January 03, 2009
Kibaki has stabbed Kenyan media in the back
On Sunday night, what the Kenyan media and public had dreaded for a long time became reality. From his State House resort in Mombasa, President Mwai Kibaki announced that he had assented to the controversial Communications (Amendment) Bill 2008, which all stakeholders, except a small clique of politicians, agree is draconian and retrogressive.
One of the clauses in the law allows the information minister, through the Communications Commission, to dictate to media houses what content to broadcast and when to broadcast it. In brief, this commission will set the agenda for the media houses.
And should a media house defy these regulations, the minister has the right to confiscate its equipments and close down the media house indefinitely.
In justifying his action, President Kibaki said the Bill would enable him achieve his 10 per cent economic growth target by 2012 through regulation of e-commerce, a core component his Vision 2013.
But his silence on clauses that directly relate to broadcast and its regulation was as conspicuous as it was suspect. First of all, to empower a minister (many times a non-professional), to dictate content for media houses is weird, and does aggress the basic principles of a free press.
In his statement, Mr Kibaki said he was assenting to the Bill in order to safeguard “culture, moral values and nationhood”. Another cover up---considering that neither the Bill nor Kibaki define what these are.
The relationship between the State and the media in Kenya (like most African countries) has been strained one. In the controversial 2007 presidential election, it was the media that was at the forefront in exposing most of the electoral malpractices. It is this exposure, coupled with international pressure that forced President Kibaki to share power with ODM’s Raila Odinga. Kibaki’s latest action could be interpreted as pay-back for the media, for basically labeling him an electoral fraudster.
The media could also have become a victim of the power play in Kenya. It is obvious that when this Bill was passed in Parliament, most of the ODM MPs were away in their constituencies running in the grassroots elections. Prime Minister Raila Odinga made it clear that he would not back it, and just last week, received a petition from the Kenyan Editors Guild, which he promised to deliver to the President.
Kibaki's insistence on signing the Bill, could, therefore, have been to "show" Raila where power lies.
But the danger in this Bill is what impact it could have in the region. In Uganda, already independent media houses, like ours, have been the target of State repression and intimidation.
Just last week, three of our journalists were quizzed over a story thought to be “prejudicial to state security”. If we had a law, like the one Kibaki has passed, probably, we would have been shut down and our equipment taken.
That is why, all media houses in this region and the public must come out strongly to condemn the slow, dictatorial path, Mr Kibaki is setting Kenya on.
One of the clauses in the law allows the information minister, through the Communications Commission, to dictate to media houses what content to broadcast and when to broadcast it. In brief, this commission will set the agenda for the media houses.
And should a media house defy these regulations, the minister has the right to confiscate its equipments and close down the media house indefinitely.
In justifying his action, President Kibaki said the Bill would enable him achieve his 10 per cent economic growth target by 2012 through regulation of e-commerce, a core component his Vision 2013.
But his silence on clauses that directly relate to broadcast and its regulation was as conspicuous as it was suspect. First of all, to empower a minister (many times a non-professional), to dictate content for media houses is weird, and does aggress the basic principles of a free press.
In his statement, Mr Kibaki said he was assenting to the Bill in order to safeguard “culture, moral values and nationhood”. Another cover up---considering that neither the Bill nor Kibaki define what these are.
The relationship between the State and the media in Kenya (like most African countries) has been strained one. In the controversial 2007 presidential election, it was the media that was at the forefront in exposing most of the electoral malpractices. It is this exposure, coupled with international pressure that forced President Kibaki to share power with ODM’s Raila Odinga. Kibaki’s latest action could be interpreted as pay-back for the media, for basically labeling him an electoral fraudster.
The media could also have become a victim of the power play in Kenya. It is obvious that when this Bill was passed in Parliament, most of the ODM MPs were away in their constituencies running in the grassroots elections. Prime Minister Raila Odinga made it clear that he would not back it, and just last week, received a petition from the Kenyan Editors Guild, which he promised to deliver to the President.
Kibaki's insistence on signing the Bill, could, therefore, have been to "show" Raila where power lies.
But the danger in this Bill is what impact it could have in the region. In Uganda, already independent media houses, like ours, have been the target of State repression and intimidation.
Just last week, three of our journalists were quizzed over a story thought to be “prejudicial to state security”. If we had a law, like the one Kibaki has passed, probably, we would have been shut down and our equipment taken.
That is why, all media houses in this region and the public must come out strongly to condemn the slow, dictatorial path, Mr Kibaki is setting Kenya on.
Friday, December 05, 2008
Jamwa axing: Another lesson for doubting Thomases
"Trust not hounds brethren--they love the smell of blood." (Don)
So, the NSSF boss Chandi Jamwa and his deputy Prof. Mondo Kagonyera have been shown the exit. Anyone surprised?? Not me at least. I saw it coming. Not because the pair was incompetent but rather because they trusted politicians—worse still NRM politicians. This by the way—does not apply to Prof. Kagonyera directly. He is a politician; it is poor Jamwa, the civil servant, who suffered.
Look, you know in the middle of the NSSF-Temangalo scandal, where the security minister, Amama Mbabazi and his finance counterpart Ezra Suruma, were accused of peddling influence to have the workers fund buy their wetland at Shs11 billion, Mr Jamwa felt cornered and penned a letter to the President, detailing the pressure he had gone through to sign the cheques.
In Jamwa’s confession, he told the president how some of the guys had even described the State House bedroom, to show their political power. They had told him how they contributed to the president’s campaign coffers and how they could slot a good word for him if he “behaved”. Scared of these people’s might, the poor lad okayed the release of the money.
That was before the press got the story, splashed it in the media and forced parliament to act. Act---maybe clown, because later, the “informed” Attorney General said the whole parliamentary probe was a farce since the MPs lacked powers to enforce the Leadership Code.
Anyway I digress. So, Jamwa first puts up a brave face, actually shielding the culprits, until realizes, he is cornered. He asks the House to let him confess in camera. He then pours out his soul, at one point asking the MPs, “What could you have done were you in my position?”
Then, he writes to the President, seeking protection. Showing, how despite his large mass, he was dwarfed and cowed. That was the pinnacle of his mistakes. Thinking the president could shield him from the hawks—hawks he has worked with for the past three decades.
The moment the President summoned MPs and ordered them to get off Mbabazi’s back, I knew Jamwa’s goose was cooked. The President was shielding the men Jamwa has tried to expose. And once Mbabazi was safe—it was time to placate the public—somehow at least—and guess who the sacrifice would be? Jamwa, the technocrat. And collateral damage involved Prof. Kagonyera.
This is not to absolve Jamwa—he made a mistake to trust politicians. He should have come clean from the word go. But like most other people—he now has learnt---trust not Museveni and his clique. They use you and dump you---like a piece of toilet paper.
So, the NSSF boss Chandi Jamwa and his deputy Prof. Mondo Kagonyera have been shown the exit. Anyone surprised?? Not me at least. I saw it coming. Not because the pair was incompetent but rather because they trusted politicians—worse still NRM politicians. This by the way—does not apply to Prof. Kagonyera directly. He is a politician; it is poor Jamwa, the civil servant, who suffered.
Look, you know in the middle of the NSSF-Temangalo scandal, where the security minister, Amama Mbabazi and his finance counterpart Ezra Suruma, were accused of peddling influence to have the workers fund buy their wetland at Shs11 billion, Mr Jamwa felt cornered and penned a letter to the President, detailing the pressure he had gone through to sign the cheques.
In Jamwa’s confession, he told the president how some of the guys had even described the State House bedroom, to show their political power. They had told him how they contributed to the president’s campaign coffers and how they could slot a good word for him if he “behaved”. Scared of these people’s might, the poor lad okayed the release of the money.
That was before the press got the story, splashed it in the media and forced parliament to act. Act---maybe clown, because later, the “informed” Attorney General said the whole parliamentary probe was a farce since the MPs lacked powers to enforce the Leadership Code.
Anyway I digress. So, Jamwa first puts up a brave face, actually shielding the culprits, until realizes, he is cornered. He asks the House to let him confess in camera. He then pours out his soul, at one point asking the MPs, “What could you have done were you in my position?”
Then, he writes to the President, seeking protection. Showing, how despite his large mass, he was dwarfed and cowed. That was the pinnacle of his mistakes. Thinking the president could shield him from the hawks—hawks he has worked with for the past three decades.
The moment the President summoned MPs and ordered them to get off Mbabazi’s back, I knew Jamwa’s goose was cooked. The President was shielding the men Jamwa has tried to expose. And once Mbabazi was safe—it was time to placate the public—somehow at least—and guess who the sacrifice would be? Jamwa, the technocrat. And collateral damage involved Prof. Kagonyera.
This is not to absolve Jamwa—he made a mistake to trust politicians. He should have come clean from the word go. But like most other people—he now has learnt---trust not Museveni and his clique. They use you and dump you---like a piece of toilet paper.
Monday, December 01, 2008
Stranger today
Something strange has happened to me today. You know when I walked into office, everyone kept staring at me. During the morning management meeting, it looked like the team could not concentrate and I saw members stealing glances-at me.
When I moved down to the canteen to have breakfast, the waiter kind of fumbled and before I knew it, the flask was on the ground—broken!! She had also been looking at me—with this strange look.
As I made my way back to my desk—I met this colleague—who after gazing at me for a while---asked, “Don, are you one of the candidates for the Kyadondo North by-election?”
I stared back, baffled. Then he contextualized. “Anti it is that suit. Why are you in a suit?”
Brethren, that is what you suffer when you go past your known bitenge and loose-fitting shirts to a Wandegeya-made suit. I am suffering it today.
When I moved down to the canteen to have breakfast, the waiter kind of fumbled and before I knew it, the flask was on the ground—broken!! She had also been looking at me—with this strange look.
As I made my way back to my desk—I met this colleague—who after gazing at me for a while---asked, “Don, are you one of the candidates for the Kyadondo North by-election?”
I stared back, baffled. Then he contextualized. “Anti it is that suit. Why are you in a suit?”
Brethren, that is what you suffer when you go past your known bitenge and loose-fitting shirts to a Wandegeya-made suit. I am suffering it today.
Wednesday, October 29, 2008
Today, I endorse Obama
So, you are wondering what an endorsement from a small, inconsequential blog will mean to this gargantuan race. This race that seems a clash of generations, civilizations.
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, this blog is not as redundant as you suppose. Just the other day (and I swear by my…) a friend called from Canada, saying the moment he asked Google for “serious” African blogs---this one popped up first. So, I know this endorsement means a lot---influencewise.
And let me make this clear. I have a host of buddies, residing in places like California and America in general, who look at me for political guidance. One of them is my good old Solo. To show his appreciation for the guidance offered in months gone past—he sent me an Obama T-shirt. So, you know where I am coming from.
That in the first place explains why I am endorsing Obama. I have his T-shirt. Look, the McCain guys never bothered to send me anything, why should I be nice to them?
Secondly, this endorsement is rooted in the fact that fellow smart editors have backed Obama. Look, Washington Post, New York Times, Chicago Tribune and even Alaska’s Daily Anchorage have thrown their weight behind this Kenyan. So, how can I betray my own? I mean fellow editors? Above all, I am told the only American TV channel rooting for McCain is Fox. For heaven’s sake, I have nothing personal against wildlife, but to be associated with hounds---
Then as stated earlier, Obama is Kenyan. Forget this white-mother thing. Look, for us Africans, a child belongs to the father’s tribe. Things are very patrilineal here. No debate. So, who would not want his neighbour running the world? At least, when I go to “outside countries”, I can boast, “You see folks, treat us East Africans well. We have the power to manage the credit crunch, besides, calling off the war in Iraq.” That conversation supposedly will occur in places like Amsterdam, when maybe I am in the infamous Red Light district.
But importantly for the Kenyans, a poll done two years ago by BBC showed that they were the “most frustrated” people on earth. This, of course, was after the Kibaki regime had turned round on all promises made as they swept aside Mtukufu Raisi Moi. Now, what a better way to boost their morale? Who knows, a new poll taken next year may show Kenyans as “the happiest” people on earth, considering that their Luo boy is sitting in an awkwardly shaped office—Oval.
Colleagues, it is on this academic and not-so-populist stand that The Other View throws its weight behind Barack Obama. Go vote, where possible, rig.
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, this blog is not as redundant as you suppose. Just the other day (and I swear by my…) a friend called from Canada, saying the moment he asked Google for “serious” African blogs---this one popped up first. So, I know this endorsement means a lot---influencewise.
And let me make this clear. I have a host of buddies, residing in places like California and America in general, who look at me for political guidance. One of them is my good old Solo. To show his appreciation for the guidance offered in months gone past—he sent me an Obama T-shirt. So, you know where I am coming from.
That in the first place explains why I am endorsing Obama. I have his T-shirt. Look, the McCain guys never bothered to send me anything, why should I be nice to them?
Secondly, this endorsement is rooted in the fact that fellow smart editors have backed Obama. Look, Washington Post, New York Times, Chicago Tribune and even Alaska’s Daily Anchorage have thrown their weight behind this Kenyan. So, how can I betray my own? I mean fellow editors? Above all, I am told the only American TV channel rooting for McCain is Fox. For heaven’s sake, I have nothing personal against wildlife, but to be associated with hounds---
Then as stated earlier, Obama is Kenyan. Forget this white-mother thing. Look, for us Africans, a child belongs to the father’s tribe. Things are very patrilineal here. No debate. So, who would not want his neighbour running the world? At least, when I go to “outside countries”, I can boast, “You see folks, treat us East Africans well. We have the power to manage the credit crunch, besides, calling off the war in Iraq.” That conversation supposedly will occur in places like Amsterdam, when maybe I am in the infamous Red Light district.
But importantly for the Kenyans, a poll done two years ago by BBC showed that they were the “most frustrated” people on earth. This, of course, was after the Kibaki regime had turned round on all promises made as they swept aside Mtukufu Raisi Moi. Now, what a better way to boost their morale? Who knows, a new poll taken next year may show Kenyans as “the happiest” people on earth, considering that their Luo boy is sitting in an awkwardly shaped office—Oval.
Colleagues, it is on this academic and not-so-populist stand that The Other View throws its weight behind Barack Obama. Go vote, where possible, rig.
Monday, October 27, 2008
Els' departure; the true story
Our media has been awash with news of the departure of The New Vision editor-in-chief, Belgian Els de Termmerman, who ascended the position about two years ago. First, I realized that no one was willing to tell the real tale behind her exit. When she was asked, all she could say was the “working environment could not guarantee her the editorial independence she had been assured of when she was handed the job.”
And for the other protagonist, CEO Robert Kabushenga, he kept telling news houses that Els had quit on her volition and he kept reiterating how no individual was bigger than the media house. This morning, he published a statement saying the same, adding though that editorial independence was still assured.
Take it or leave it---Els’ decision to quit was not a result of accumulated incidences that could not guarantee her “editorial independence”. It was a few “minutes of madness” and a disagreement with Kabushenga that led to that decision. This was how the events played out.
On Tuesday last week, The New Vision’s lead story talked of heads of state arriving for the tripartite summit. But the story below the headline had nothing to do with that headline. The story, written by Anne Mugisa, actually was based on an interview she had with the Zimbabwean opposition officials, including MDC Vice-President Thokozani Khupe, who were in Kampala to state their case against Mugabe, who also was here for the summit.
Confidential reports indicate that President Museveni was not very impressed with the notion of a state paper giving space to a group that was here to “attack” his guest Mugabe. He then got in touch with Kabushenga to make his dissatisfaction known. The loyal CEO promised to make do for that “oversight”.
However, Els was not going to have anything like that. I directly worked under Els for a year, and many of the times, I did the foreign news pages, which she supervised. I can assure all folk and sundry that Els was no admirer of Mugabe. She categorises him among the African despots, who have ruined this continent.
She, therefore, told Kabushenga to his face that nothing like “making up” for Mugabe would have space in the paper. The sly Kabushenga beat her to the game. He got the article written under the “Vision Reporter” cover and took it to the chief sub. So, on Friday morning, Els wakes up to find a second page headline; “Museveni blasts traitors.” The story was basically meant to go even with the first.
That is when all hell broke loose. Els interpreted Kabushenga’s decision to by-pass her as unfair and it is what she called “failure to guarantee editorial independence”.
In the mad dash of fury, she confronted Kabushenga, and with the CEO standing his ground, threatened to quit. Jumping unto the line, Kabushenga told her to make good on her threat. At a “thuperthonic” pace as Kabushenga himself would say, Els sent the resignation mail, Kabushenga assented to it. End of story or was it?
Truth is there was nothing like systematic failure to guarantee editorial independence that could have pushed Els out. It was more of an ego clash and an act of fury. Kabushenga is a self-professed Movementist but he must get some credit---he has given editors in New Vision some space to do their work. That is how the New Vision led the crusade to defend Mabira Forest, one of those incidents that put this government to test.
Of course you can’t downplay the fact that in Els, Kabushenga saw a limitation of his own influence. Els was appointed by the President and some times took instructions from him. A Kabushenga, whom we all know is a politician in-the-waiting, may not have been happy sharing a room with someone who could also get his master’s ear. It would be best if he called all the shots---that is how, he quickly endorsed Els’ resignation. To have one competitor less.
But, and BELIEVE ME ON THIS; Els may have realized her folly. My sources tell me she is negotiating a come back and is willing to issue an apology. Just don’t rule out anything.
And finally, those Namanve bastards (read Red Pepper) on Saturday claimed I and some colleagues were among those fired from The New Vision. Facts are;
I resigned from New Vision to take up a slightly senior position in Monitor. When I tendered my resignation, Els rejected it. My salary was increased but I insisted.
Maria Muzaaki resigned in August to go for further studies in Oslo. She is pursuing a Masters in Journalism there.
Mariam Alowo resigned and is pursuing a Masters Degree in Sweden.
Rita Muzira resigned after getting a job with Uganda Revenue Authority.
Penlope Ankunda has resigned to go into PR, although Kabushenga is still making effort to convince her to stay.
Bernard Opwonya resigned and went to NTV.
It is not true that we were fired. Ignore those gossips.
And for the other protagonist, CEO Robert Kabushenga, he kept telling news houses that Els had quit on her volition and he kept reiterating how no individual was bigger than the media house. This morning, he published a statement saying the same, adding though that editorial independence was still assured.
Take it or leave it---Els’ decision to quit was not a result of accumulated incidences that could not guarantee her “editorial independence”. It was a few “minutes of madness” and a disagreement with Kabushenga that led to that decision. This was how the events played out.
On Tuesday last week, The New Vision’s lead story talked of heads of state arriving for the tripartite summit. But the story below the headline had nothing to do with that headline. The story, written by Anne Mugisa, actually was based on an interview she had with the Zimbabwean opposition officials, including MDC Vice-President Thokozani Khupe, who were in Kampala to state their case against Mugabe, who also was here for the summit.
Confidential reports indicate that President Museveni was not very impressed with the notion of a state paper giving space to a group that was here to “attack” his guest Mugabe. He then got in touch with Kabushenga to make his dissatisfaction known. The loyal CEO promised to make do for that “oversight”.
However, Els was not going to have anything like that. I directly worked under Els for a year, and many of the times, I did the foreign news pages, which she supervised. I can assure all folk and sundry that Els was no admirer of Mugabe. She categorises him among the African despots, who have ruined this continent.
She, therefore, told Kabushenga to his face that nothing like “making up” for Mugabe would have space in the paper. The sly Kabushenga beat her to the game. He got the article written under the “Vision Reporter” cover and took it to the chief sub. So, on Friday morning, Els wakes up to find a second page headline; “Museveni blasts traitors.” The story was basically meant to go even with the first.
That is when all hell broke loose. Els interpreted Kabushenga’s decision to by-pass her as unfair and it is what she called “failure to guarantee editorial independence”.
In the mad dash of fury, she confronted Kabushenga, and with the CEO standing his ground, threatened to quit. Jumping unto the line, Kabushenga told her to make good on her threat. At a “thuperthonic” pace as Kabushenga himself would say, Els sent the resignation mail, Kabushenga assented to it. End of story or was it?
Truth is there was nothing like systematic failure to guarantee editorial independence that could have pushed Els out. It was more of an ego clash and an act of fury. Kabushenga is a self-professed Movementist but he must get some credit---he has given editors in New Vision some space to do their work. That is how the New Vision led the crusade to defend Mabira Forest, one of those incidents that put this government to test.
Of course you can’t downplay the fact that in Els, Kabushenga saw a limitation of his own influence. Els was appointed by the President and some times took instructions from him. A Kabushenga, whom we all know is a politician in-the-waiting, may not have been happy sharing a room with someone who could also get his master’s ear. It would be best if he called all the shots---that is how, he quickly endorsed Els’ resignation. To have one competitor less.
But, and BELIEVE ME ON THIS; Els may have realized her folly. My sources tell me she is negotiating a come back and is willing to issue an apology. Just don’t rule out anything.
And finally, those Namanve bastards (read Red Pepper) on Saturday claimed I and some colleagues were among those fired from The New Vision. Facts are;
I resigned from New Vision to take up a slightly senior position in Monitor. When I tendered my resignation, Els rejected it. My salary was increased but I insisted.
Maria Muzaaki resigned in August to go for further studies in Oslo. She is pursuing a Masters in Journalism there.
Mariam Alowo resigned and is pursuing a Masters Degree in Sweden.
Rita Muzira resigned after getting a job with Uganda Revenue Authority.
Penlope Ankunda has resigned to go into PR, although Kabushenga is still making effort to convince her to stay.
Bernard Opwonya resigned and went to NTV.
It is not true that we were fired. Ignore those gossips.
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
Nasasira is a shameful sham
Now, for starters and probably colleagues outside this country, there is a man who for many score years has passed under the title of Works Minister of the hallowed republic of Uganda. This ministry has over the years got appendages like “transport”, “telecommunications”, “lands” etc.
But the bottom line is that Eng. John Nasasira has been the custodian of roads and their state in this country. Now, one may be wondering why I would make a whole, respectable minister the topic for this blog. First of all, whereas he passes for a roads minister, there are literally no roads in this country. In few places, there are strips of tarmac guarding potholes, and these, we call roads.
Briefly put, this man has been overseeing a ghost ministry. But I wouldn’t mind the ghost ministry since he is not the first along these lines. We have had ghost soldiers, ghost teachers and in Kampala, most women offer ghost love. So, Ugandans being a very forgiving people, I was willing to extend my olive branch to Nasasira---but the problem is that unlike others—he is quick to pin others, forgetting the log in his eye.
Just the other day, after the NSSF wall collapsed (compelling me to write the dirge in my past blog), he rushed to point out that engineers of Roko, the firm building the Pension Towers, should be held responsible for the calamity. Never mind that realizing his goof days later, he called a second press conference to “clarify” his position on the earlier remarks. (Typical African politician mentality).
Now, where on earth does Nasasira (meaning I forgive) get the balls to ask anyone to take responsibility? Nasasira, whose over 10 years of managing the works ministry has seen him oversee road carnage and accidents that have taken thousands of lives?
Where does Nasasira, whose ministry can not even fix the smallest pothole in Kampala, albeit having one of the biggest budgets, get the guts to take others to task?
Where does this son of Kazo draw the energy to blame others when it is crystal clear that had we had better road supervision the 30 lives we lost in Lugazi last weekend could have been saved?
From the Rome disaster in 1991 when an Air Uganda crashed to the latest Lugazi road accident, I have never seen our pothole minister raise his head a single day and admit that he is to blame. When trains collide in China in the subways and when accidents of great magnitude happen in the developed West—ministers owe up and step aside.
But in Uganda—that would be asking too much. That is why the Nasasiras of this world can rush to blame others but are never men enough to say “I fell short of expectations”.
NB: This bad politics may be a question of the past soon. Last weekend, I held a meeting similar to one Obama held in 2002 to brainstorm about his political future. The people think by 2016, I should be ready to storm the national political scene---and bring the much-awaited change. Prayers and support is what I ask of you.
But the bottom line is that Eng. John Nasasira has been the custodian of roads and their state in this country. Now, one may be wondering why I would make a whole, respectable minister the topic for this blog. First of all, whereas he passes for a roads minister, there are literally no roads in this country. In few places, there are strips of tarmac guarding potholes, and these, we call roads.
Briefly put, this man has been overseeing a ghost ministry. But I wouldn’t mind the ghost ministry since he is not the first along these lines. We have had ghost soldiers, ghost teachers and in Kampala, most women offer ghost love. So, Ugandans being a very forgiving people, I was willing to extend my olive branch to Nasasira---but the problem is that unlike others—he is quick to pin others, forgetting the log in his eye.
Just the other day, after the NSSF wall collapsed (compelling me to write the dirge in my past blog), he rushed to point out that engineers of Roko, the firm building the Pension Towers, should be held responsible for the calamity. Never mind that realizing his goof days later, he called a second press conference to “clarify” his position on the earlier remarks. (Typical African politician mentality).
Now, where on earth does Nasasira (meaning I forgive) get the balls to ask anyone to take responsibility? Nasasira, whose over 10 years of managing the works ministry has seen him oversee road carnage and accidents that have taken thousands of lives?
Where does Nasasira, whose ministry can not even fix the smallest pothole in Kampala, albeit having one of the biggest budgets, get the guts to take others to task?
Where does this son of Kazo draw the energy to blame others when it is crystal clear that had we had better road supervision the 30 lives we lost in Lugazi last weekend could have been saved?
From the Rome disaster in 1991 when an Air Uganda crashed to the latest Lugazi road accident, I have never seen our pothole minister raise his head a single day and admit that he is to blame. When trains collide in China in the subways and when accidents of great magnitude happen in the developed West—ministers owe up and step aside.
But in Uganda—that would be asking too much. That is why the Nasasiras of this world can rush to blame others but are never men enough to say “I fell short of expectations”.
NB: This bad politics may be a question of the past soon. Last weekend, I held a meeting similar to one Obama held in 2002 to brainstorm about his political future. The people think by 2016, I should be ready to storm the national political scene---and bring the much-awaited change. Prayers and support is what I ask of you.
Wednesday, October 15, 2008
For colleagues dead in duty line
Tuesday shall remain dark
A moment of sorrow to this nation
Sorrow, for on that day, 8 brothers passed on
They were never your newspaper VIPs
Maybe never mentioned even at a village meeting
But crucial to the nation they were
Workers, they were
On a workers fund project they sweated
A Pension Tower they built
Never mind that they never had a pension themselves
A tower built from savings of the nation’s workers.
They laboured to put some kalo on their tables
For others like Julius Otike, it was quest for tuition
Tuition to see him rise to a better calling
Instead
He ended up buried
In a debris of soil—a soul taken
Though it could have been saved
Had the “Squealers” apportioned the right measures
Of sand and cement.
The papers screamed---but
A day, a week, after,
They will just be another stastic
Added unto the many faceless—
Who have perished—to no notice.
But trust me brothers
I know the roll will call
Steven Odong ----Absent
Willie Okello ----Absent
Richard Angweno ----Absent
Silver Olowo ----Absent
JB Tushabe----Absent
Nasib Kisembo----Absent
But to the common worker
You will always be present
A symbol of resilience, hardwork, sacrifice
A moment of sorrow to this nation
Sorrow, for on that day, 8 brothers passed on
They were never your newspaper VIPs
Maybe never mentioned even at a village meeting
But crucial to the nation they were
Workers, they were
On a workers fund project they sweated
A Pension Tower they built
Never mind that they never had a pension themselves
A tower built from savings of the nation’s workers.
They laboured to put some kalo on their tables
For others like Julius Otike, it was quest for tuition
Tuition to see him rise to a better calling
Instead
He ended up buried
In a debris of soil—a soul taken
Though it could have been saved
Had the “Squealers” apportioned the right measures
Of sand and cement.
The papers screamed---but
A day, a week, after,
They will just be another stastic
Added unto the many faceless—
Who have perished—to no notice.
But trust me brothers
I know the roll will call
Steven Odong ----Absent
Willie Okello ----Absent
Richard Angweno ----Absent
Silver Olowo ----Absent
JB Tushabe----Absent
Nasib Kisembo----Absent
But to the common worker
You will always be present
A symbol of resilience, hardwork, sacrifice
Tuesday, September 30, 2008
Be Afraid; the Movement is on its way down!!
Ladies and gentlemen, first let me make it clear. I have never been an advocate for chaos. I don’t entirely agree with the Cavarian principle that revolutions only succeed after being watered by the blood of their patriots. I do not believe in anarchy.
But behold, for this is what Uganda may be headed to. The squabbles going on among the government top brass can not be treated lightly. We have a potential explosive situation in our midst and if not resolved well (and I fear it won’t), tough times await us.
So, what is this fear gnawing at me? Look, the entire ruling NRM party is now fractured. And it is not a mere ideological contest or civilized disagreement. It is a native clash and in African terms, such clashes usually turn bloody.
The party secretary general is accused of breaking procurement rules as he sells his land to a national workers savings fund. Before we know it, his political foes (ironically from his party) have launched a full-scale war against him. “Bring him down!” they shout their voices hoarse.
The ridiculous thing here is that even those baying for his blood have their own dirty pasts. Some are in courts facing charges of aggravated lootocracy. Talk of the pot calling the kettle black.
But that is not the tragedy of the farce playing out before us. The potential bomb lies in how petty, personal and dangerous the differences have become. Now, one of those who was pushing for Amama Mbabazi’s censure is now implicated in a botched bank ‘robbery’. Maj. Gen. Muhwezi says he’s targeted because he wants Mr Mbabazi down.
If surely these politicians, who apparently belong to the same party, are setting up each other and doing whatever it takes to decimate each other, then we can expect the worst! LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, THE WORST.
A friend, who is well-connected intimated to me that a senior spy chief is gonna be arrested too. This will follow the arrest of the former health minister. Thereafter, what should we expect?
All these guys have connections with the military and intelligence. They will not go down alone. Unlike in the past where the government officials fought opposition party members, this is a unique war. It is an internal war. And trust me, the causalities will be many.
It is obvious now that the only thread holding the NRM together is the President. God forbid should he die now—trust me we shall see the end of the NRM. But even if he lives on forever, the cracks in the NRM are so glaring that it will need more than the usual amount of cement to fix. Question is; do we have the materials?
But behold, for this is what Uganda may be headed to. The squabbles going on among the government top brass can not be treated lightly. We have a potential explosive situation in our midst and if not resolved well (and I fear it won’t), tough times await us.
So, what is this fear gnawing at me? Look, the entire ruling NRM party is now fractured. And it is not a mere ideological contest or civilized disagreement. It is a native clash and in African terms, such clashes usually turn bloody.
The party secretary general is accused of breaking procurement rules as he sells his land to a national workers savings fund. Before we know it, his political foes (ironically from his party) have launched a full-scale war against him. “Bring him down!” they shout their voices hoarse.
The ridiculous thing here is that even those baying for his blood have their own dirty pasts. Some are in courts facing charges of aggravated lootocracy. Talk of the pot calling the kettle black.
But that is not the tragedy of the farce playing out before us. The potential bomb lies in how petty, personal and dangerous the differences have become. Now, one of those who was pushing for Amama Mbabazi’s censure is now implicated in a botched bank ‘robbery’. Maj. Gen. Muhwezi says he’s targeted because he wants Mr Mbabazi down.
If surely these politicians, who apparently belong to the same party, are setting up each other and doing whatever it takes to decimate each other, then we can expect the worst! LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, THE WORST.
A friend, who is well-connected intimated to me that a senior spy chief is gonna be arrested too. This will follow the arrest of the former health minister. Thereafter, what should we expect?
All these guys have connections with the military and intelligence. They will not go down alone. Unlike in the past where the government officials fought opposition party members, this is a unique war. It is an internal war. And trust me, the causalities will be many.
It is obvious now that the only thread holding the NRM together is the President. God forbid should he die now—trust me we shall see the end of the NRM. But even if he lives on forever, the cracks in the NRM are so glaring that it will need more than the usual amount of cement to fix. Question is; do we have the materials?
Monday, September 22, 2008
Mbeki's exit; South Africa sets the pace
I know a lot has been said about the Mbeki demise and I will not get into the nitty-gritty of his fall and the impact on South Africa and the wider region. I just want to focus on the divide this event has exposed about Africa.
In fact, the exit of Mbeki makes me admire South Africa and weep for the rest of Africa, especially my own Uganda.
Mbeki has been pushed out of office after a judge concluded that the corruption charges that were being placed on Jacob Zuma were actually politically-engineered. Remember it is this same Zuma, who had earlier survived rape charges, in a ruling that courts again concluded were fabricated.
So, with the latest ruling on graft, the ANC executive found it prudent that Mbeki steps down, considering that he is implicated for trying to witch-hunt a man many already see as his successor.
Similar events have happened in Uganda—but with different resolutions. When Dr Kizza Besigye returned from self-imposed exile in November 2005, a few months to the presidential election in 2006, he was arrested and charged with rape. Alongside, charges of terrorism were slapped on him.
Of course, like in Mbeki’s case, President Museveni was trying to bar his once liberation colleague from assuming the presidency.
In the rape trial against Besigye, the judge ruled that the State had made “an amateurish attempt” in trying to frame Besigye and dismissed the charges with costs.
But that is where the difference between South Africa and Uganda comes into play. In South Africa, the ruling ANC party quickly moved in to order a Mbeki exit since through normal lenses, he had done wrong. He had to take responsibility and resign.
In Uganda, no one even thought about asking the president to take responsibility since the ruling absolving Besigye was in effect a condemnation of the government, and consequently the president.
But that should surprise nobody. In a country where taking political responsibility is unheard of, it would be asking too much to expect a president to resign for framing a political opponent.
That is where South Africans, despite the cloud of uncertainty caused by Mbeki’s exit, should pat themselves on the back. They are ahead of the rest of us.
In fact, the exit of Mbeki makes me admire South Africa and weep for the rest of Africa, especially my own Uganda.
Mbeki has been pushed out of office after a judge concluded that the corruption charges that were being placed on Jacob Zuma were actually politically-engineered. Remember it is this same Zuma, who had earlier survived rape charges, in a ruling that courts again concluded were fabricated.
So, with the latest ruling on graft, the ANC executive found it prudent that Mbeki steps down, considering that he is implicated for trying to witch-hunt a man many already see as his successor.
Similar events have happened in Uganda—but with different resolutions. When Dr Kizza Besigye returned from self-imposed exile in November 2005, a few months to the presidential election in 2006, he was arrested and charged with rape. Alongside, charges of terrorism were slapped on him.
Of course, like in Mbeki’s case, President Museveni was trying to bar his once liberation colleague from assuming the presidency.
In the rape trial against Besigye, the judge ruled that the State had made “an amateurish attempt” in trying to frame Besigye and dismissed the charges with costs.
But that is where the difference between South Africa and Uganda comes into play. In South Africa, the ruling ANC party quickly moved in to order a Mbeki exit since through normal lenses, he had done wrong. He had to take responsibility and resign.
In Uganda, no one even thought about asking the president to take responsibility since the ruling absolving Besigye was in effect a condemnation of the government, and consequently the president.
But that should surprise nobody. In a country where taking political responsibility is unheard of, it would be asking too much to expect a president to resign for framing a political opponent.
That is where South Africans, despite the cloud of uncertainty caused by Mbeki’s exit, should pat themselves on the back. They are ahead of the rest of us.
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